WHITELOCKE, James (1631-1701), of Fawley, Bucks. and Trumpington, Cambs.

Bulstrode Whitelocke’s only child from his first marriage, James would disappoint his father by failing to emulate his high-profile public career. In so far as it was not interrupted by wider events, the education he received was clearly intended by his father to prepare him for that role. He and his half-brother William* were enrolled at the Middle Temple in June 1647, although it is unclear whether James ever attended it.21M. Temple Admiss. i. 144; Whitelocke, Diary, 201. The two of them were then sent to Oxford in May the following year, but probably only in an unofficial capacity, as it was not until October 1648 that James left school as ‘a well grounded scholar’.22Whitelocke, Diary, 215. Then in January 1649 he was admitted as a fellow of All Souls, which, in his case, seems to have meant that he was placed under the tutelage of another fellow, the ex-army officer, Jerome Sankey*.23Al. Ox.; Whitelocke, Diary, 229, 242.

When later that year Sankey was appointed as one of the majors in the army to re-conquer Ireland, Whitelocke decided to follow his example. With some reluctance, his father gave his consent. What Whitelocke did not want was for his father to use his connections to get him a commission. He calculated that the soldiers would be more impressed if he rose from the ranks. It was therefore as an ordinary trooper that he joined the Life Guards. The regimental colonel, Oliver Cromwell*, was impressed enough to declare that Whitelocke was ‘the only gentleman of England that came as a volunteer to serve under him’.24Add. 37344, f. 326v; Whitelocke, Diary, 243-4. In fact, Bulstrode Whitelocke did write to Cromwell asking him to take care of his son, and James’s military career certainly prospered thanks to Cromwell’s supervision. Cromwell was impressed by his conduct on the battlefield, particularly during the attack on Limerick, when Whitelocke’s horse was shot from under him.25Add. 37345, f. 37v; Whitelocke, Diary, 250, 268-9. He thought that Whitelocke ‘wanted not for courage’.26Add. 37345, f. 37v. It was for that reason that Cromwell promoted him to become his cornet by the end of the year. This had one disadvantage in that his expenses unavoidably increased. His father would claim that he had to spend over £1,500 supporting him while in Ireland.27Add. 37345, f. 79v. He complained that Whitelocke wrote only infrequently with political news, contrary to his promises before leaving, but that he did write regularly asking for more money.28Longleat, Whitelocke pprs. X, f. 149. He kept the letters to prove his point.29Longleat, Whitelocke pprs. X, ff. 44, 148, 156, 165, 202; XII, f. 1. This was the start of Whitelocke’s lifelong indebtedness, although, as yet, his father was prepared to give him the benefit of the doubt. Bulstrode Whitelocke preferred to believe that the real problem was his son’s generosity to his men and, perhaps on the basis of what he had been told by Cromwell, he piously recorded

his kindness to private soldiers, whom he would often relieve in their wants, and when they were sick would cover them from the rain and cold, with his own leagurer cloak, though in the meantime himself did want it.30Add. 37345, f. 37v.

Cromwell certainly continued to reassure his father that he was everything that he could have hoped. When he returned to London on 1 June 1650, Cromwell gave Bulstrode ‘a very fair report’ of James’s ‘civility and good carriage’.31Longleat, Whitelocke pprs. X, f. 149; Add. 37345, ff. 79v-80; Whitelocke, Diary, 258.

Other connections made in Ireland would prove useful. His father’s later friendship with Roger Boyle, Lord Broghill*, was initially based on the fact that James had got to know his lordship during this period.32Add. 37345, f. 37. His involvement with Richard Maijor* and Miles Fleetwood* in a proposed scheme in 1653 to mine for gold and silver in Ireland was probably based, in part, on his knowledge of the country gained while there with the army.33CSP Dom. 1652-3, pp. 266, 330.

Some of those back home seem to have been impressed by the reports of Whitelocke’s conduct in Ireland. In March 1650 the council of state had to advise the Buckinghamshire militia commissioners against appointing him as the colonel of their infantry troop. The concern was that, because he was absent in Ireland, he would be unable to perform the duties in person, although the council was willing to appoint him as one of the militia commissioners. However, three months later, when Whitelocke was still absent, the council relented and commissioned him as the militia colonel.34CSP Dom. 1650, pp. 36, 54, 105, 507. The following year, when the Scottish army invaded England, it was assumed that Whitelocke would return shortly to take up the command.35Whitelocke, Diary, 270. Yet, in the event, he did not do so and only left Ireland in the spring of 1652, by which time he had been promoted to the rank of captain.36Wanklyn, Reconstructing the New Model Army, ii. 220, 223. On reaching London, he appeared before the Commons on 8 April to brief them on conditions there. The Commons showed their gratitude towards him by voting that he be given £100 with which to buy a pair of horses.37CJ vii. 117b-118a.

Whitelocke’s father set out in September 1653 as the new English ambassador to the court of Queen Christina of Sweden. His mission was to negotiate a trade agreement with the Swedes to strengthen the English position in the Baltic at a time of war with the Dutch. James and his younger brother, William, went with him.38Longleat, Whitelocke pprs. XIV, f. 132. James’s main duty was to act as a messenger for his father on those occasions when it would was inappropriate for the ambassador to attend in person. Thus he presented a Latin address to the Swedish chancellor, Axel Oxenstierna, was sent to enquire about Queen Christina’s health when it was rumoured that she was ill, and delivered the articles for the Anglo-Swedish treaty to her secretary, Carl Canterstein. When the English party took their leave from the Swedish court in May 1654, Whitelocke was presented with a medal by the master of ceremonies.39Whitelocke, Diary, 296, 317, 322, 331, 334, 351, 355, 359, 365; TSP ii. 232. Most important of all, he got the chance to observe his father at first hand as he conducted diplomatic business at the highest level. His father made sure that the secretary of state, John Thurloe*, was told how impressive James had been during his time in Sweden and asked him to put in a good word on James’s behalf with Cromwell.40TSP ii. 173. In 1653, several months before they had left for Sweden, an unidentified clergyman had accused Bulstrode Whitelocke of being only interested in promoting his son’s career. 41Whitelocke, Diary, 287. There was a smidgeon of truth in this as Bulstrode was indeed very obviously concerned to see James prosper.

Father and son returned from Sweden in time for the elections to the 1654 Parliament. Whitelocke junior was thus able to become one of the five MPs elected to sit for Oxfordshire in that Parliament.42Whitelocke, Diary, 391. The recorder of Oxford, Richard Croke*, then wrote to him and his father offering them his assistance during the session.43Whitelocke, Diary, 396. Whitelocke’s military experience in Ireland made him an obvious choice for the committees on the army and the navy (26 Sept.) and on Irish affairs (29 Sept.).44CJ vii. 370b, 371b.

The decision to send William Lockhart* as ambassador to the French court provided Whitelocke with a chance to broaden his diplomatic and military experience. Lockhart took him with him as one of the gentlemen in his entourage. They reached Paris in late April 1656.45Longleat, Whitelocke pprs. XVII, ff. 148, 150, 156; Whitelocke, Diary, 439. Whitelocke’s main duties while in France seems to have been to act as a military observer and he spent the summer with the French army at the front around Compiègne. This was a chance for him to could gather information on the progress of the Franco-Spanish war while observing the French army at close quarters.46Longleat, Whitelocke pprs. XVII, ff. 158, 162, 164, 174, 186.

In his absence, his father tried to arrange for him to be re-elected as an MP. Welcoming this news in a letter of 6 July 1656, he carefully weighed up his options.

[T]here is nothing I should be more ambitious of: but my coming over before the election I suppose would be little advantage to my being chosen since the possibility of it will depend only upon your friends and interest, and not anything in me, whereas my coming over at this time would be generally interpreted to be for no other end [than] to be elected and then to miss it would be no small disgrace.47Longleat, Whitelocke pprs. XVII, f. 177.

His father presumably agreed with this line of reasoning, as Whitelocke remained in France for the time being. He repeated his willingness to stand when he wrote home again on 10 August.

I must confess I am not without my ambition to be of the House, not so much from any fancy that I shall be able to make myself considerable either by doing his highness any great service or my country much right (though no man can bring better affections to both those ends) but considering it in abstracto as an opportunity to gain experience and knowledge which I take to be none of the least errants [purposes?] that a man has in the world.48Longleat, Whitelocke pprs. XVII, f. 194.

In saying all this, he may have been telling his father what he wanted to hear, reassuring him that, despite appearances, he was keen to advance himself. In fact, the attempts to get him elected seemed to have come to nothing. It may be that his absence abroad did, after all, work against him.

In July 1656 Whitelocke had been assuming that he would be returning to England that September. He suggested that discussions about a proposed marriage between him and one of the nieces of Alexander Popham*, which was being promoted by Popham and Anthony Buller*, should be postponed until then. In the event, that match fell through anyway, as did the planned return in the autumn.49Longleat, Whitelocke pprs. XVII, f. 177; Whitelocke, Diary, 440, 444, 451, 454. It was not until early January 1657 that Whitelocke was released from his duties in Paris. On reaching London, Cromwell rewarded him with a knighthood.50Whitelocke, Diary, 454; Shaw, Knights of Eng. ii. 223. It is possible that Whitelocke promised to continue acting for Lockhart while back in England as he later had to offer his apologies to Lockhart for unspecified failings.51TSP vii. 42.

Whitelocke’s return revived the question of whom he should marry. As well as Popham’s niece, other possible brides who had been discussed included a granddaughter of Richard Hutton, the late chief justice of common pleas, and a sister of Charles Howard*.52Whitelocke, Diary, 417, 428, 436. By February 1657, however, it had been agreed that he would marry Mary Pike, the widow of Thomas Pychard. The wedding itself took place in late June.53St Andrew Holborn, London par. reg.; Whitelocke, Diary, 456, 459, 468, 469, 472. His new wife brought her with as her jointure estate from her first marriage lands at Trumpington, two miles to the south of Cambridge, and it was there that the couple settled.54VCH Cambs. viii. 253. His father granted him an annuity of £200 and his total annual income amounted to £1,200, but this was insufficient to fund his extravagant lifestyle, which led him further into debt.55Whitelocke, Diary, 472, 700.

As early as January 1658, in the days before the 1656 Parliament reassembled, Whitelocke was already thinking ahead to the next general election. He first turned his attention to the Cambridge borough seats, no doubt because this was the nearest constituency to Trumpington. He wrote to ask his father to write to the Cambridge corporation proposing him as a candidate.56Whitelocke, Diary, 483. There is no evidence that his father did so. In his next letter, Sir James confidently reported that some of his friends were pressing him to stand as one of the knights of the shire for Cambridgeshire.57Whitelocke, Diary, 483. If so, nothing came of this idea either when new elections were finally held later that year. The Whitelockes had to look to their existing power bases for seats.

As soon as the elections were called in December 1658, Lord Whitelocke began to consider how to get James and his brother, William*, elected as MPs.58Whitelocke, Diary, 502. Others also gave some thought to the matter. The mayor of Oxford told him that he thought Richard Croke’s brother, Unton Croke II*, would not oppose James if he decided to stand at Oxford. However two days later, Richard Croke informed him that the two of them had already been nominated. Better news came from Thomas Dawson, the Buckinghamshire clerk of the peace. Dawson had taken soundings at Aylesbury and had discovered strong support for the idea of choosing James. This assessment proved accurate and James was elected there along with Thomas Tyrrell* on 29 December.59Whitelocke, Diary, 503. Some subsequently canvassed for him to be elected for one of the Buckinghamshire county seats but, with his place in this Parliament already secure, he declined.60Whitelocke, Diary, 504. Having arranged for them to be elected, their father was annoyed when James and William then failed to use those places to assist him with his own political agenda. The pep talk he gave them on 29 January 1659 proved to be of no use at all.61Whitelocke, Diary, 509. James was probably named to no committees, as it was almost certainly his brother who was the ‘Mr Whitelocke’ included on the committee for elections on 28 January.62CJ vii. 594b. His excuse for his non-attendance was that his wife was ill.63Whitelocke, Diary, 508.

Some time earlier Whitelocke had resumed his military career by obtaining a place as a captain in the cavalry regiment commanded by Charles Fleetwood*. He certainly held that position by January 1658, when he had to ask his father to apologise to Fleetwood for his failure to re-join the regiment, and it is possible that he had already held it as early as March 1656, when he is known to have been in Scotland.64Whitelocke, Diary, 428, 483. By the spring of 1659 he and his men formed the small garrison defending King’s Lynn.65Clarendon SP iii. 473. However, faced with political confusions following the dissolution of the 1659 Parliament and the removal of Richard Cromwell*, Whitelocke was prepared to play a double game. He now made contact with Sir Henry Bennet† and offered his services to Charles Stuart. With the royalists planning an uprising that summer, possibly involving a landing by the exiled king in person, the news that Whitelocke was willing to cooperate encouraged Francis Willoughby, 5th Baron Willoughby of Parham, and John Mordaunt to advise that Charles land at King’s Lynn. If Whitelocke surrendered the town to the king, there was then the prospect that Sir Horatio Townshend* would raise the surrounding area in support of the rebellion.66Clarendon SP iii. 473. The immediate problem was the uncertainty as to whether Whitelocke would retain his post at King’s Lynn.67Mordaunt Letter-Bk. 18. On the one hand, there was the possibility that Whitelocke would be one of the officers purged from the army by the new council of state, but on the other hand there was the equally inconvenient possibility that, with Fleetwood having been appointed as commander-in-chief, he would be promoted elsewhere. The uncertainty ended only when Whitelocke was formally confirmed as one of Fleetwood’s captains by the Commons on 19 July 1659.68Whitelocke, Diary, 517; CJ vii. 724a. That same day the Commons agreed to add him to the list of militia commissioners to be named for Buckinghamshire.69CJ vii. 725a; A. and O. Twelve days later Sir George Boothe* rose in rebellion in Cheshire, but the planned landing by Charles Stuart was never attempted and so Whitelocke’s promises were never put to the test.

Moreover, there is evidence, apart from the fact that he retained his military office, that Whitelocke was still willing to work with the republicans. In October 1659 he advised his father to accept a place on the new committee of safety.70Whitelocke, Diary, 537. Whether he did so because he wanted the committee to succeed or because he thought it would be to his father’s advantage is unclear, but this does suggest that his flirtation with royalist conspiracy had been opportunistic.

What assurances he had given in 1659 counted for little when Charles Stuart was actually restored in 1660. In so far as James can be said to have been a success as a public figure up until this point, he had clearly owed much to his father’s connections. Both now found themselves marginalized in the new political climate. In James’s case, the setback was symbolised by the loss of his knighthood, which, like all the other Cromwellian honours, was not recognised by the restored monarchy. He also found himself having to sue for a royal pardon to forgive his complicity in the protectorate.71PSO5/9, unfol. And if some were unwilling to forget that complicity, he was just as keen to remind others of theirs. He annoyed Roger L’Estrange†, who was undeniably touchy about such accusations, by spreading the rumour that he had received a pension from Cromwell.72CSP Dom. 1661-2, p. 167. But his more immediate concern was his worsening financial problems. In late 1660 he had to flee the country in order to escape his creditors.73Whitelocke, Diary, 620. It was probably for the same reason that he travelled abroad during the 1670s. While passing through Switzerland, he visited Edmund Ludlowe II*.74Bodl. Eng. hist. c. 487, p. 1181. After Whitelocke had returned to England, he was asked by Ludlowe to try to obtain notes on speeches in the Long Parliament which had been among those of Ludlowe’s personal papers confiscated by the government.75Bodl. Eng. hist. c. 487, pp. 1333, 1348. The death of Whitelocke’s father in 1675 made no immediate difference, as he had already made provision for James and, in any case, he had extensive debts of his own.76PROB11/352/304. James lived on until 1701, apparently playing no part in politics during the last four decades of his life. He died intestate and, possibly because she knew that there were creditors to pay, his wife surrendered any claim to his estate. One of his surviving sons, James, and a Cambridge grocer, Joseph Lyndsey, instead acted as the executors.77Cambs. RO, Consistory Ct. of Ely, admin. bonds and inventories, James Whitelocke, 1701. None of his descendants sat in Parliament. On the death of his widow in 1715, the estates at Trumpington passed to the Pemberton family, the reversion having previously been sold by her Pychard in-laws.78VCH Cambs. viii. 253.